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THE JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN
SUCIETY FOR PSYCHICAL RESEARCH
Responsibility for the contents of any article appearing in the Journax rests entirely with
ths ‘ecmeribatee and iar with ce A.S.P.R. :
VOLUME XLII JULY - 1949 Number 3
CONTENTS
William James and Psychical Research . P . ‘ - 85
Gardner Murphy
Comparison of ESP Scores with Rorschachs Scored by Different Bf ics 94
Gertrude R. Schmeidler
Elwood Worcester and the Case for Survival : 98
“Sarah Parker White
Telepathy Between Twins 108
Some Comments on Dr. Bicenwald’s: Telepathy Pm Medical ao 112
ose
The Harvard Society for Parapsychology : 5 $ 122
Review; The Two Brothers, by Canon A. F. Webling P ‘i ; fe - 323
C. D. Thomas
William James and Psychical Research
GARDNER MURPHY
Everything conspired to make William James a pioneer in
psychical research. One could almost see it coming a hundred years
ahead. One might look first at his ancestry and early rearing; then
at his more formal education; then at his career in medicine and
in philosophy, and his integration of these studies with psychology ;
his determination to investigate the margins and edges of all that is
known; and consequently his discovery, in psychical research, of a
kind of inquiry that fulfilled the cravings accumulated from all these
many areas of experience.
The family history usually begins with “William of Albany,” his
grandfather, who made a fortune and enabled his many children
to start off in life with some degree of freedom from the current
struggle to exist. Among his sons, Henry James, Sr., the father of
William James and of Henry James the novelist, early chose for
himself a life of study, contemplation, speculation. He was a “seeker,”
who in the nineteenth-century effort to find a new, solid ground to
stand on, explored one philosophy or religious movement after
another. Having suffered a series of amputations upon a leg as a
child, he had been deprived to some degree of normal social inter-
course, yet managed to preserve a vivid, earnest, hearty enthusiasm,
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and a real gift for friendship with all sorts of fellow-seekers. His wa
response to the teachings of Swedenborg—who, against the bad
ground of an amazing scientific achievement had nevertheless se
fit to identify himself with his great vision of the beyond—w;
characteristic of his deep sympathies, though he never joined th
Swedenborgian fold. He created in the home atmosphere an @
hilarating sense of the worthwhileness of pursuing problems of cosmi
dimensions, of asking forever one more question as to the place 6
man in this world and as to the real basis for ethics and religion
everybody in the family was apparently always ready for a deba'
which wound up with humor and with agreement to live and let liv
William (born in 1842) and Henry (born in 1843) shared thi
atmosphere. As their letters show, there was a rugged intensity 0
fellowship despite their profound temperamental differences.
contrast appears in the fact that while Henry James had sought thi
meanings of life in introspection and in the subtleties of self-observa
tion, it was William James’ determination to look for answers ii
the new scientific world of the evolutionary period, and to attemp)
to support his personal faith with the knowledge and wisdom
empirical inquiry. Both were empiricists, but in a very different
sense, Henry James looking for the shadings and overtones of dailj
experience, William trying always to accumulate more facts from
every quarter.
The freedom of the family to roam about reached its richest value:
for William James during the journeys to England, France, Switzer:
land, and Germany. A special importance should perhaps be attached
to a year in Geneva in which, as he entered upon adolescence, William
James found his enthusiasm fired by a mixture of science and art
He loved, for example, to draw the skeletons in the Geneva museum,
Soon he was thinking of becoming a painter. |
Returning to the United States, he entered upon his studies at
Harvard (1861). Ill health dogged him all during these years. He
was obviously unfit for military service, and his chemistry professor
noted the long hours in which he had to lie still and rest, being unable
to stand at his table and his test tubes as most students did. His
interest in science, especially biology, led ultimately into medicine.
Medicine meant, however, much more for him than the continuation
of scientific studies. Indeed, his one attempt to be a pure scientist,
his journey with Agassiz to the Amazon to collect and barrel fishes,
resulted in a tremendous breakdown and a long illness. Medicine,
however, he could ultimately master, with hopes, as he said, that he
could not only “support W. J., but Mrs, W. J. as well.”
During these medical years, moreover, he was carrying forward
the kinds of thinking which another journey to Europe had set
William James and Psychical Research 87
going within him. He had exposed himself to the physiological
psychology of Helmholtz, and the other giants of the period, and
wrote to his brother that he hoped that these beginnings of a new
experimental science of psychology had something to offer, and he
wanted to see what he could do in this area too.
After finishing medical school, and going on into further studies
in physiology, he attracted the attention of President Eliot of Har-
yard, who asked him to teach comparative anatomy and physiology
to Harvard undergraduates. This led rapidly to more and more work
in experimental physiology, and later, psychology, where both sub-
jects were carried forward by James as he rapidly rose to fame
through a series of brilliant publications which began in 1876.
Asa matter of fact, during these early years he had made a contract
with Henry Holt for his Principles of Psychology, and over a
twelve-year period, from 1878 to 1890, he turned out chapter after
chapter of this monumental work. As he began his Harvard career,
he had been married to Alice Gibbens, and a quiet and happy home
life in Cambridge made possible a period of relative freedom from
the strain and illness which had frequently been his lot. The question
has often been debated as to what factors, other than his marriage
and his steady work at Harvard, had turned the semi-invalid into
such a productive and effective teacher and writer. The answer which
he himself apparently emphasized most was that the restitution of
his health came from the study of that branch of evolutionary
philosophy represented by the French philosopher Renouvier, who
taught that spontaneity, genuine freedom, is available to the indi-
vidual who strikes out on a new path for himself, and creatively
remakes his personal life, including his health as well as his intellectual
and spiritual goals. Evidently James’ long sufferings, his backaches,
his eye-aches, his periods of semi-invalidism, his pathetic and futile
journeys to the mud-baths in Bohemia, all of which left him still an
invalid, were things of the past when once he realized, in the language
of Renouvier, that he could spontaneously, arbitrarily recreate his
own life. Though he never became really rugged, his physical and
intellectual vitality were in some measure a response to this new
conviction.
But this philosophy of spontaneity was an aspect of a still larger
movement of thought within him. He was more and more convinced
that the threadbare abstractions which characterized German idealistic
philosophy and British idealistic philosophy almost to the same
degree could make no real contact with the tough, vital, throbbing,
everyday realities with which our immediate life is concerned. Always
give us realities, give us facts, give us concreteness. In later years,
for example, when asked to tell what “pragmatism” was really about,
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he stressed the fact that it dealt with the practical and the concre!
and that if one must choose between the two, to be concrete wi
even more important than to be practical. He was moving towan
“radical empiricism,” the habit of thrusting oneself forward into th
world of experience to make the richest possible contact with th
concrete, the immediate, the real.
The extraordinary series of lectures that he gave at Edinburg
in 1901, which appeared in the volume The Varieties of Religiow
Experience, is a consummation of this faith in the importance of th
concrete and the personal. Religion is to be judged not in terms ¢
the abstract representation of an invisible world, but in terms of the
living fibre of its substance as we feel it moving through us; am
even the mystic is to be understood in terms of the kinds of reality
with which he makes contact, the “window” into an unseen world
said James, upon which one’s own personal vision depends.
R. B. Perry (8) put it in his final evaluation of James, J
always “knew there was more.” No summary, no scheme can
contain the creative totality of the real. Indeed, those last a
ordinary ten years of his life from 1900 to 1910, in which he tu ed
out such a series of epoch-making philosophical contributions, repre-
sent the constantly changing, many-faceted expression of his deter-
mination to make contact everywhere with the concrete and the vit
Just as he never constructed a system of psychology, so he ney r
constructed a system of philosophy. He wrote many psychologies and
many philosophies; it was evidently his wish to let posterity decide
what it could use.
II
The interest in psychical research came, then, as a perfectly no al
and “predictable” response to this kind of attitude toward life. In
the home environment one did not laugh at the claims of Swedenborg.
One studied them, played with them, tossed them about, rejected
some aspects of them, took other aspects more seriously, just as one
did with regard to Christian Science, or any of the other new winds’
of doctrine that swept through the intellectual atmosphere. Questions”
about telepathy or survival were just as reasonable as any other kind
of question. Such questions were not to be decided @ priori, or in.
deferential regard for authority, but by recourse to rigorous investiga-
tion. When, therefore, the Society for Psychical Research was.
founded in London in 1882 under the able leadership of scholars of
the stature of Henry Sidgwick, Sir William Barrett, and Frederic
Myers, he shared warmly in the whole enterprise. Shortly thereafter
he played a leading part in forming an American Society for Psy-
chical Research, which after a few years became the American Branch
William James and Psychical Research 89
of the London Society. (The present American Society for Psychical
Research later replaced this American Branch.)
During these years William James was eagerly and actively con-
cerned with the investigations by these societies into alleged haunt-
ings, apparitions, and communications with the deceased. He himself
was drawn as early as 1885 to investigate the extraordinary phe-
nomena of Mrs, L. E. Piper, who was purported while in deep
trance to give information to sitters regarding which she could have
had no normal knowledge. In the first sittings which he held, some-
times in the company of his wife, highly personal material was given
which he and his wife were morally certain could never have been
known normally to Mrs. Piper—indeed some of which was apparently
known to no living person but themselves. Other sitters had similar
success. In his own words:
“To turn to the .. . case of Mrs. P. This lady can at will pass
into a trance condition, in which she is ‘controlled’ by a power
purporting to be the spirit of a French doctor, who serves as
intermediary between the sitter and deceased friends. This
is the ordinary type of trance-mediumship at the present day.
I have myself witnessed a dozen of her trances, and have testi-
mony at first hand from twenty-five sitters, all but one of whom
were virtually introduced to Mrs. P. by myself.
“Of five of the sittings we have verbatim stenographic reports.
Twelve of the sitters, who in most cases sat singly, nothing
from the medium but unknown names or trivial tale Four of
these were members of the society, and of their sittings verbatim
reports were taken.
“Fifteen of the sitters were surprised at the communications
they received, names and facts being mentioned at the first
interview which it seemed improbable should have been known
to the medium in a normal way. The probability that she pos-
sessed no clew as to the sitter’s identity, was, I believe, in each
and all of these fifteen cases, sufficient. But of only one of them
is there a stenographic report; so that, unfortunately for the
medium, the evidence in her favor is, although more abundant,
less exact in quality than some of that which will be counted
against her.
“Of these fifteen sitters, five, all ladies, were blood relatives,
and two (I myself being one) were men connected by marriage
with the family to which they belonged. Two other connections
of this family are included in the twelve who got nothing. The
medium showed a most startling intimacy with this family’s
affairs, talking of many matters known to no one outside, and
which gossip could not possibly have conveyed to her ears. The
details would prove nothing to the reader, unless printed in
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90 Journal of the American Society for Psychical Research
extenso, with full notes by the sitters. It reverts, after all, t
personal conviction. My own conviction is not evidence, but i
seems fitting to record it. I am persuaded of the medium!
honesty, and of the genuineness of her trance; and althour a
first disposed to think that the ‘hits’ she made were either lucky
coincidences, or the result of knowledge on her part of who th
sitter was and of his or her family affairs, I now believe her te
be in possession of a power as yet unexplained” (1).
This did not establish for William James, of course, any prima
facie case for survival as such, but it indicated, as he said over ane
over again (2), a “lightning stroke” of conviction that there w
received by Mrs. Piper’s mind many items which she had neve
normally acquired. He continued to have sittings through his life.
He did not hesitate to go out to Concord to see the curious physical
phenomena produced by Mr. Foss, in whose home the table charged
about in the darkness like a wild beast, and he made it his business
to keep informed regarding Mrs. Piper, through the extensive repo
offered by Richard Hodgson. He was in the meantime closely follow-
ing the studies of phantasms of the living and of the dead, and the
whole realm of phenomena to which his friend Frederic Myers wa
applying the conception of the “subliminal self.” In his review of
Myers’ posthumous treatise, Human Personality and its Survival of
Bodily Death, he wrote: “Any one with a healthy sense for evidence,
ought now, it seems to me, to feel that exalted sensibilities a
memories, veridical phantasms, haunted houses, trances with super-—
normal faculty, and even experimental thought-transference, are
natural kinds of phenomenon which ought, just like other natural
events, to be followed up with scientific curiosity” (3).
When in 1905 Richard Hodgson suddenly died, it was James’ task
to edit and report upon that long series of communications purporting
to come from the deceased Hodgson through the trance communica-
tions of Mrs. Piper (4). Here he poured himself into a systematic |
and critical task of editing and evaluation, in which both the strength
and the weakness of the evidence for the surviving personality of
Hodgson were carefully appraised. An example is the following
incident from his report: .
“The American Branch had never fully paid its expenses;
and although the Secretary’s salary had always been very small,
Hodgson had, after the first years, been reluctant to have any
part of it charged to the mother-country. The result had occa-
sionally been pecuniary embarrassment on his part. During his
last visit to England, shortly after Myers’ death, this embar-
rassment had been extreme; but an American friend, divining
William James and Psychical Research 91
it in the nick of time, rescued him by an impulsive and wholly
unexpected remittance. To this remittance he replied by a letter
which contained some banter and, among other things, cited
the story of a starving couple who were overheard by an atheist
who was passing the house, to pray aloud to God for food. The
atheist climbed the roof and dropped some bread down the
chimney, and heard them thank God for the miracle. He then
went to the door and revealed himself as its author. The old
woman replied to him: ‘Well, the Lord sent it, even if the
devil brought it.’
“At this friend’s sitting of Jan. 30th, R. H. suddenly says:
‘Do you remember a story I told you and how you
laughed, about the man and woman praying.’
Sitter: ‘Oh, and the devil was in it. Of course I do.’
‘Yes, the devil, they told him it was the Lord who sent
it if the devil brought it. . . . About the food that was
given to them. . . . 1 want you to know who is speaking.’
“The sitter feels quite certain that no one but himself knew
of the correspondence, and regards the incident as a good test
of R. H.’s continued presence. Others will either favor this
interpretation of it, or explain it by reading of the sitter’s mind,
or treat it as a chance coincidence, according to their several
prepossessions. I myself feel morally certain that the waking
Mrs. Piper was ignorant of the incident and of the correspond-
ence. Hodgson was as likely to have informed me, as any one,
of the affair. He had given me at the time a vivid account of
the trouble he had been in, but no hint of the quarter from
which relief had come” (5).
The final verdict was that the representation of his deceased friend,
and the evidence given of his personal identity, was of such a sort
as to suggest that Richard Hodgson himself, or a “spirit counterfeit”
of him was there. But James’ whole concluding statement should be
noted; it reads as follows:
“Fechner in his Zend-Avesta and elsewhere assumes that
mental and physical life run parallel, all memory-processes being,
according to him, co-ordinated with material processes. If an
act of yours is to be consciously remembered hereafter, it must
leave traces on the material universe such that when the traced
parts of the said universe systematically enter into activity
together the act is consciously recalled. During your life the
traces are mainly in your brain; but after your death, since your
brain is gone, they exist in the shape of all the records of your
actions which the outer world stores up as the effects, immediate
or remote, thereof, the cosmos being in some degree, however
slight, made structurally different by every act of ours that
takes place in it. Now, just as the air of the same room can
be simultaneously used by many different voices for communicat-
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ing with different pairs of ears, or as the ether of space ca
carry many simultaneous messages to and from mutually attune
Marconi-stations, so the great continuum of material nature ca
have certain tracts within it thrown into emphasized acti t
whenever activity begins in any part or parts of a tract in whie
the potentiality of such systematic activity inheres. The bodie
(including of course the brains) of Hodgson’s friends who comi
as sitters, are naturally parts of the material universe whick
carry some of the traces of his ancient acts. They function a
receiving stations, and Hodgson (at one time of his life @
any rate) was inclined to suspect that the sitter himself ts
'psychometrically,’ or by his body being what, in the tra
jargon, is called an ‘influence,’ in attracting the right spi
and eliciting the right communications from the other side. If,
now, the rest of the system of physical traces left behind by
Hodgson $s acts were by some sort of mutual induction through-
out its extent, thrown into gear and made to vibrate all at once,
by the presence of such human bodies to the medium, we should
have a Hodgson-system active in the cosmos again, and he
conscious aspect’ of this vibrating system might be Hodgson’s
spirit redivivus, and recollecting and willing in a certain momen-
tary way. There seems fair evidence of the reality of psychome-
try; so that this scheme covers the main phenomena in a
general way. In particular, it would account for the ‘confusion’
and ‘weakness’ that are such prevalent features: the system of
physical traces corresponding to the given spirit would then be
only imperfectly aroused. It tallies vaguely with the analogy of
aoe mene its way oe higher to lower levels. The sitter,
with his desire to receive, forms, so to speak, a drai -openin
or sink; the medium, with her desire to carsohake plete the
nearest lying material to be drained off ; while the spirit desiring
to communicate is shown the way by the current set up, and
swells the latter by its own contributions.
“It is enough to indicate these various possibilities, which
a serious student of this part of nature has to weigh together,
and between which his decision must fall. His vote will always
be cast (if ever it be cast) by the sense of the dramatic probabili-
ties of nature which the sum total of his experience has begotten
in him. J myself feel as if an external will to communicate were
probably there, that is, I find myself doubting, in consequence
of my whole acquaintance with that sphere of phenomena, that
Mrs. Piper's dream-life, even equipped with ‘telepathic’ powers,
accounts for all the results found. But if asked whether the will
to communicate be Hodgson’s, or be some mere spirit-counterfeit
ee Podge, y remain eae and await more facts, facts
ay no int clearly to i
bie ae ee a &. y a conclusion for fifty or a
Thus, while he had early and repeatedly expressed his conviction
William James and Psychical Research 93
regarding the reality of telepathy, he apparently never reached con-
viction on the question of the evidence for survival. One finds,
nevertheless, a constant insistence on the legitimacy and importance
of the inquiry. Indeed, he had published a little book on Human
Immortality in 1898 (7) in which he had suggested that perhaps
the brain acts as a transmitter rather than an originator of mental
processes, so that the deceased may perfectly well be able to carry on
a trans-physical existence. He believed, however, that Frederic
Myers’ studies of the “subliminal consciousness” showed such a vast
array of paranormal powers possessed by the deeper strata of the
living personality that it is difficult to tell which, if any, phenomena
of trance mediumship, or of psychical research in general, may
require an interpretation transcending the action of these deeper
subliminal powers.
But it was not simply the research that James carried on, nor the
views he expressed, which gave him the permanent place which he
holds in psychical research. It was in large measure the courage
and energy with which he stressed the importance of these inquiries ;
his eager insistence upon the definitive nature of the evidence that
at least telepathy exists; his demand that the instruments of such
research, such as spiritualist mediums, be respected, honored, and
studied with an open mind; his emphatic recognition and insistence
that an organized type of research enterprise must be set up, with
continuity over the years; his deep conviction that a long-range
empirical investigation, rather than anybody's religious or philo-
sophical opinion, was the only guide which a thoughtful and literate
public could accept. He believed that regardless of the question
whether the demonstration of continued existence beyond death is
ever possible, psychical research has epoch-making implications for
the extension of our understanding about the deeper levels of per-
sonality, and of the relation of personality to the universe in which
it is placed.
REFERENCES
1. James, William, “Report of the Committee on Mediumistic Phenomena,"
Proc. A.S.P.R., 1886, Vol. 1, pp. 103-104.
2: , “What Psychical Research has Accomplished,” in The Will to
Believe, and Other Essays in Popular Philosophy, Longmans, Green &
Co., New York, 1897.
3. . Review of Human Personality and its Survival of Bodily Death,
by F. W. H. Myers, Proc. S.P.R., Vol. XVIII, 1903, p. 23.
4. . “Report on Mrs. Piper’s Hodgson Control,” Proc. S.P.R., Vol.
XXITI, 1909, pp. 2-121.
5. Ibid., pp. 26-27.
3 Ibid., pp. 119-121.
8
. James, William, Human Immortality: Two Supposed Objections to the
Doctrine, Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston, 1898.
. Perry, Ralph Barton, The Thought and Character of William James,
2 vois., Little, Brown & Co., Boston, 1935, Vol. II, p. 704.